Stephen Bauzan

Before considering whether the figure represents Stephen Bauzan, we should first discuss the limited information available about the thirteenth century lord of Breigan. The Stephen Bauzan who came into the manor of Breigan shortly before his death in 1257 ⁶has been identified as Stephen de Bayeaux, a knight from Bayeaux in Lincolnshire⁷. He first seems to have come to South Wales in the service of Gilbert Marshall Earl of Pembroke (1234-1241), for 'Stephen Bauzan, Steward of Pembroke ' was a witness to an undated charter of the Borough of Haverfordwest⁸ .

Gilbert Marshall was the third of five sons of the first Earl of Pembroke, William the Marshall, and had originally been trained for the church, however he seems to have been as much a soldier as any of his brothers. After the death of his older brothers William and Richard, he had succeeded in his turn as the Fourth Earl on 16 April 1234⁹. The two younger brothers, Walter and Anselm also signed the charter as witnesses, as did Walter Crasso the Elder, Steward of Tenby Castle 1232¹⁰ , and William, Prior of the Dominican Community at Christchurch, Brecon¹¹.

Gilbert's nephew, Richard de Clare had become Lord of Glamorgan and Earl of Gloucester at the age of 7, following the death of his father in Brittany. Originally, the Justiciar of England, Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent, had been appointed his guardian however de Burgh fell from Royal favour in 1232 and in 1236 Gilbert paid King Henry III the sum of 500 marks for the privilege of administering the De Clare estates.¹²

In the mediaeval period, it was deemed a great favour for the monarch to appoint one of his nobles as guardian of a royal ward (minor). The restrictions on a modern trustee did not then exist and the guardian could easily apply the minor's assets pretty much as he pleased. Gilbert himself seems to have entrusted the day to day administration of Glamorgan to Richard Siward, Lord of Talyfan and Llanbleddian, for in 1234 Siward was described as the keeper of Glamorgan¹³ . As the holder of Talyfan and Llanbleddian, Siward was also the feudal lord of Llansannor and Breigan.

On 15 January 1239, Richard de Clare's mother Isabel, died, and after her burial, her second husband, Richard, Earl of Cornwall, and her brother, Gilbert Marshall took the cross and vowed to go to Palestine. Isabel's son, Richard naturally was keen to go and amongst the contingent of English crusaders to Palestine that now assembled must have been included many of the Marshall and de Clare Retainers¹⁴. Each of the party would have taken steps to put his 'affairs in order' before leaving, for the journey to Palestine was long and perilous. Richard arranged to have his guardian, Gilbert Marshall, repaid the 500 marks that he had deposited with the King on assuming control of his nephews affairs ¹⁵. Gilbert himself, as Marshall of England, was a servant of the crown and would have needed the Royal consent before leaving the Kingdom¹⁶ .

King Henry III was not keen for large numbers of his nobles to leave the country or risk themselves unnecessarily, but least of all did he wish to loose the senior soldier of the realm. When Gilbert asked for permission to leave for Palestine, Henry refused for a while, on the grounds that the Marches of Wales were still unsettled following the death of the Prince of Snowdonia, Llewelyn the Great. Richard of Cornwall therefore went on ahead to Palestine with his young stepson; Gilbert stayed behind for a while to put the military position in order, intending to join them in the Holy Land. Unfortunately, before leaving England, Gilbert held a farewell Tournament at Hertford. Towards the end of the day, the bridle-bit of his unbroken war-horse broke, and Gilbert was thrown from the saddle and then dragged some distance by the stirrup. By the next day, 28 June 1241, he was dead of his injuries and the Earldom passed to his brother Walter17.

An effigy was erected for the fallen crusader in the Temple Church, where it is amoung those described by Stow's "Survey of London", 1598, "In the round walk (which is the west part without the quire) there remain monuments of noblemen there buried, to the number of eleven. Eight of them are images of armed knights; five lying cross-legged, as men vowed to the Holy Land against the infidels and unbelieving Jews, the other three straight-legged. The rest are coped stones, all of gray marble."

On 11 October 1240, the Earl of Cornwall reached the Crusader city of Acre¹⁸ , where he conducted successful negotiations for peaceful Christian access to Jerusalem, and less successfully intrigued for his Brother in law, Simon de Montfort, to be governor of the remaining territories held by the Franks. According to Mathew of Westminster¹⁹ , amongst Cornwall's Entourage was the young de Clare, who was, no doubt in turn escorted by some of his own retainers. It seems quite possible that also in the party was Stephen Bauzan, either fulfilling his original commitment to Gilbert Marshall, or perhaps already as a follower of Richard de Clare. We know that Richard Siward had taken the vow to join a crusade ²⁰, however he seems to have remained in Glamorgan. The Earl of Cornwall left Palestine in May 1241, and presumably this was the date that De Clare and his companions also returned²¹ .

As Richard de Clare reached adulthood he was clearly keen to take steps to wrest control of his inheritance from his guardians. As we have already seen, before joining the Crusade in 1240, he paid Gilbert Marshall 500 marks to obtain seisin of the lordship of Glamorgan at the age of 18. This was, however, probably an attempt to settle de Clare's affairs before his departure to Palestine, as Gilbert was still asserting his rights as guardian right up to his death, in a dispute with the king over lands held by the see of Llandaff²² . Meanwhile, Richard Siward still held the post of keeper of the Lordship, and de Clare would need to arrange his removal separately.

On August 1243 Richard de Clare attained the age of 21. At Michaelmas, he was Granted Full Livery and Seisin and thereby assumed his inheritance as the feudal lord of Glamorgan, and the Earl of Clare, Hertford and Gloucester. He was now one of the most powerful magnates in England to, to whom almost 1/3 of the Feudal host of the Kingdom owed allegiance²³ . Not long after entering into his inheritance, he appointed Stephen Bauzan as Sheriff of the County²⁴ . This was a partly military, partly judicial post and probably formed part of a deliberate campaign to reduce the influence of Siward in Glamorgan.

As feudal lord of Glamorgan, de Clare was the ultimate judicial authority in the County and thus he quickly had Richard Siward summoned to appear before a jury of 12 of his equals at a 'day of the march' to be held on Stalling Down²⁵ . Siward was charged with treason against the earl, by having broken a truce between de Clare and Hywel ap Meredydd, the Welsh lord of Miskin and Glynrhondda. He was also accused, somewhat paradoxically, of having colluded with Hywel ap Meredydd in evading Norman patrols.

The scene is quite graphically described in the documents assembled for Richard Siward's appeal; 12 jurors; 6 Norman Knights, representing the Earl, and for Siward, 6 Welshmen, presumably of equivalent status, assembled at the rendezvous. Then Stephen Bauzan, probably acting as sheriff of the County, demanded judgement on behalf of the earl and offered his body against that of Siward, in other words offering to settle the case by Trial by Combat. Siward's attorney appealed to the Judgement of the Court whether he was obliged to answer Bauzan on the grounds that Bauzan did not belong to the county, nor was he Siward's Peer. To this the Earl answered that Bauzan was his liegemen and a member of his household²⁶ and hence of appropriate status to meet in Combat with a Lord of the March.

Siward was not prepared to fight with Bauzan, and the challenge went unanswered, despite the manors of Talyfan and of Llanbleddian being pledged as Surety and Bauzan's challenge being repeated at two further sessions of the 'comitatus ' later in the year. At the fourth session of the Court of the March, De Clare used his position as Lord of the honour of Glamorgan to declare Siward in default of the summons to attend the court. He therefore declared him an outlaw, and 'Wayviatum' or Wolveshead 27, and confiscating the whole of the territory owned by Siward. Hywel ap Meredydd had fled to the court of Llewelyn ap Gruffydd, so De Clare also seems to have taken the opportunity to seize Hywel's commotes of Miskin and Glynrhondda, presumably in retaliation for the open rebellion displayed after the ending of the truce.

This quasi-legal land-grab brought under the direct control of the Clare the whole of the territory from the Manor of Llanbleddian to the northern end of the Rhondda valleys. De Clare redistributing this land to suit his own ends. Charters were issued for the new town of Llantrisant and in this period the first permanent buildings to be found in Cowbridge for over 8 centuries were established. Holy Cross Church began to be rebuilt in stone and the new dedication befitted the zeal of a recently returned crusader²⁸ . De Clare granted to Bauzan the manor of Breigan with Llansannor, and Scurlage, another of de Clare's retainers was established at Trecastle, Llanharry.

Siward appealed to king Henry III, but at this period even the King of England himself had little influence over the legal process in the Lordship of Glamorgan, where the Marcher Lord was almost a sovereign in his own right²⁹ . At the beginning of 1248, Mathew Paris records that Richard Siward had taken to his deathbed, and the margin of the chronicle is illustrated with an inverted shield bearing Siward's Coat of Arms, a sign that he soon after died³⁰ . Sometime in the 1250s, Bauzan received formal title of the land that he had probably occupied soon after the confiscation³¹ .

In any case the undisputed formal declaration of the confiscation of the Estate, had been contrived in the presence of a constituted Jury, and of the Earl of Glamorgan, being both on the manor of Llanbleddian and in sight of that of Talyfan. This would under feudal law probably have itself been enough to grant to Bauzan, on behalf of de Clare, formal seisin of the manors³³ . Notably, Welsh Law also required that transfers of land be made on or in sight of the land itself³³ . After completing at least two terms of office as the sheriff of Glamorgan , Bauzan transferred his allegiance to the Henry III 's son and heir to the throne, Lord Edward, who would later become King Edward the First. In 1251, he is referred to as a follower of the Queen, Edward's mother³⁵ , and, two years later, he is mentioned in her 'jewel' roll as one of the Lord Edward's knights³⁶ .

Clearly, this position brought him further into the royal favour for from 28 April to 23 October 1255, Bauzan served as Seneschal of Gascony, an important position in an age when Gascony was a substantial and turbulent province of the Angevin Possessions.

After a decade of internecine strife, the leadership of the Welsh Princes had passed to Llewelyn ap Gruffydd, grandson of Llewelyn the Great. Meanwhile, Edward Longshanks was himself coming of age. To induct him into the art of government, Edward was created Earl of Chester, and thereby became a Lord of the March in his own right. Edward quickly began to increase the pressure on the Welsh princes on his border. Llewelyn was quick to retaliate by backing Meredydd ap Rhys against his nephew, Rhys Fychan.

In September 1256, Stephen Bauzan was sent to command a substantial force operating in the area of Carmarthen, made up partly of the forces raised by the local marcher Lords, and the remainder consisting of troops raised directly by the king, including a contingent from Gwent³⁷ . The English troops however were, limited to forays into the area close to the borough as they were at this period severely hampered by the restrictions imposed by Magna Carta on the employment of Mercenary troops, and were restricted to employment for 40 days³⁸ . Bauzan, and the Steward of Carmarthen, Patrick de Chaworth instituted for the first time a 'comitatus' or County Court at Carmarthen, seeking to impose English Law on the Area around the town. On 4 Feb 1257, Bauzan and his troops gained notoriety by a raid on Whitland Abbey, during the course of which at one of the abbey servants was killed, and valuables removed from the abbey³⁹.

At this point, political intrigue in the Welsh camp provoked a crisis. In the vicinity of Carmarthen, the local dynasty was riven by a continuing dynastic dispute between the Grandchildren of Lord Rhys; Meredydd ap Rhys Gryg, who held Dryslwyn Castle, and his Brother, Rhys Mechyll, who had married into the de Breos family and held Dynefor and Carreg Cennan. On Rhys Mechyll's death the castles would have fallen to his son Rhys Fychan, had not Rhys Mechyll's Widow 'treacherously delivered it into the power of the French'⁴⁰

Rhys Fychan now came to the comitatus with a proposal. He would join his retainers to their forces, and guide them to his castle of Dinefwr, further up the Towy valley than Dryslwyn. This would give the English a secure base from which to isolate Meredydd ap Rhys from his ally, Llewelyn ap Gruffydd. Just before Whitsun, 1257, Stephen Bauzan and Nicholas de Martin, Lord of Cemmais led a strong force of over 2000 horse and foot to Dinefwr.

Eight Hundred years ago, the land use in the Towy valley was quite different from now, but fortunately, we have a description of the area only a generation earlier, in Gerald the Welshman's Description of Wales. He describes Dinefwr, which was then the historical seat of the princes of Southwest Wales, as 'a safe refuge for the inhabitants of south Wales because of the impenetrable forests. There, too is Dinefwr Castle, built on top of a high hill which overlooks the river Towy and which is held to be the Royal Seat of the Princes of Wales'. This terrain would not have suited the heavily mailed English knights and they would have had to rely on Rhys Fychan and their other Welsh allies for guidance and screening on whatever route was used to lead them to Dinefwr.

Once the force was drawn up near to the Castle, Rhys Fychan went on to the Castle with a small force. English and Welsh sources disagree on what happened next. The chronicler of 'Brut y Tywysogion, writing in Welsh, sets the scene thus;

'and after that Rhys Fychan ap Rhys Mechyll gathered a host past telling of barons and Knights from England; for it was in England that he was then, And he set out from Carmarthen in Whitsun Week. And thence they came to the castle of Dinefwr. And after he had come to the Castle, the garrison seized him.'

Other versions of the same tale suggest that Rhys changed sides when he reached the safety of the castle, in which case one might well speculate on his motives in luring such a large English Force into an exposed position. It is perhaps relevant, that although Rhys' mother may have been a de Breos, his wife was the sister of Llewelyn ap Gruffydd himself. In any event, the English, deprived of their Guides, were now cut off form their base at Carmarthen.

Thirteenth century knights would have ridden to the battlefield on a Palfrey and then changed mount to their Destriers (war-horses) before approaching the enemy positions. This was partly to keep the expensive Destrier in good condition, and partly, as has already been seen from the unfortunate end of Gilbert Marshall, due to the possible consequences of riding a mount selected mainly for its size and aggression. It seems that the palfreys and other equipment had been left near the present-day village of Broad Oak, on the A40 Carmarthen Llandeilo Road, (then the remains of the old ROman Road, The Via Julia) where they would have been out of line of sight from Meredydd ap Rhys' stronghold of Dryslwyn Castle. Before the Knights could regain their normal mounts, it appears that the Welsh had attacked the English Baggage and driven them off, together with the reserves of ammunition.

View from Dryslwyn Castle. The Old Roman Road lies to the right of the river Towy, just out of the picture

Now the English found themselves under steady attack from the Welsh concealed in the Woods, who 'assailed them with javelins and arrows'. In a situation where there could be no reliance on their Welsh Auxiliaries, their options would be few. It is most likely from the known tactics of Norman Knights in similar, better recorded, encounters, that they attempted to charge through their opposition, and to make their escape to Carmarthen⁴¹ by using the weight and momentum of their mail-clad war-horses to simply ride down their opponents.

View from Broad Oak along the A40(Via Julia) In the narrow valley the marshy course of Nant Steffan would have impeded the Norman horse and given the Welshmen an ideal Ambush point

Unfortunately although the heavier build and armour of the Norman horses will have allowed them to escape, the Destriers will have tired more quickly than the lighter Welsh mounts. Somewhere near Pontargothi, where the River Cothi runs into the Towy, the Normans lost momentum in the marshy approach to the river, and there their pursuers overran them. Overall at least 1000 and possibly as many of 3000 of the English were slain, Stephen Bauzan amongst them.

After a medieval battle, most bodies were left unidentified. The chroniclers specifically tell us that 'the Welsh, greatly victorious, with the mail-clad horses and arms of their enemies as their spoil, gave thanks to God and returned in safety to their Homes⁴². [It perhaps no coincidence that it was in next year that Llewellyn's army for the first time was reported to include a body of 80-240 men mounted on barded (armoured) horses⁴³ . This store of arms and armour must have been stripped off the bodies of the fallen knights and their retainers. Most likely the remainder of the clothing would also have been looted leaving a large number of mutilated, naked bodies.] Even disregarding Gerard the Welshman's statement that the Welsh were in the habit of beheading the bodies of their fallen enemies⁴⁴ , it is most unlikely that the body of Stephen Bauzan was ever identified.

Many years passed before any monument was erected to the fallen knight, for in the aftermath of the battle both King and marcher Lords were preoccupied with other matters. In 1258, led by De Clare and his old crusading comrade, Simon de Montfort, the English Barons confronted the king and forced him to agree the Provisions of Oxford. This confrontation would be celebrated by the Whig historians, as being the original precedent for regular Parliaments. The main concern of the Baronage though, was to force the King and Prince Edward into a truce with the Welsh⁴⁵ . Henry III therefore agreed to recognise Llewelyn ap Gruffydd as the Prince of Wales. This was a title that had not been aspired to even by his grandfather, Llewelyn the Great. Then England was plunged into a long struggle between de Montfort and the King with Llewelyn and the Marcher lords together holding the balance of power.

After the death of Richard de Clare (1262) his son Gilbert finally committed the resources of the Lordship behind the King, perhaps in reaction to a growing threat from Llewelyn. After Simon de Montfort was killed at the battle of Evesham, a fresh war with Gwynedd resulted in Llewelyn being dictated much inferior terms.

Gilbert de Clare and the Marcher lords eventually raised an Army of over 10000 men and the fighting swung their way. By 1290 Rhys was a captive of the king, and was taken to York for execution. Also taken was his son, also called Meredydd ap Rhys, who was held in Carmarthen Castle. Whether voluntarily or not, Meredydd formerly confirmed a grant of land made over 60 years earlier by William de Breos, who had been executed by Llewelyn the Great in 1230. The property consisted of the advowson of a church at Ebernant, and its chapel at Cynwil Elfed, to the Priory of St John's Carmarthen⁴⁹ . Attached to this confirmation was the condition that the Canons of the Priory should say mass for the soul of Stephen Bauzan and Richard Giffard 'and all the other men fallen in the king's service'⁵⁰ . It seems reasonable to assume therefore, that the effigy was placed, not in Llansannor Church but in the Priory of Carmarthen.

This is the second reason why several writers have ruled out the possibility that the Llansannor effigy represents Stephen Bauzan. To our mind this is a more concrete objection than that of the style of dress of the effigy. You will note that the Carmarthen effigy was not ordered until 1287, 30 years after the knight died. In St David's cathedral is a similar effigy of the Lord Rhys, Prince of West Wales, who died in 1197, fifty years or so before Bauzan, yet the date and style of the two effigies is quite similar. Sculptors and artists of the medieval period were not as conscious as we of the need to depict the correct costume on historical figures. This can be seen in many famous paintings of the period depicting biblical figures in medieval dress, or knights in full plate armour and caparisoned horses representing Caesar and Pompey, or the battle of Hastings.

It seems a pity though to eliminate Stephen Bauzan as our suspect for the effigy in the parish Church. As a leigeman of Gilbert Marshall or Richard de Clare, he does seem quite likely to have gone to the Holy Land with Richard in 1240. Few of his descendants are likely to have been crusaders, for only 35 years after Bauzan's death, the last remnants of the Crusader kingdoms of Outremer had been overrun, and the Crusades soon fizzled out. The only other known contact of the Parish with the Crusades, ironically enough, was Richard Siward, who had apparently vowed to take the cross some years before his removal in favour of Bauzan. The effigy was certainly made some time after the life of Siward and Bauzan and it seems unlikely, given that Siward was effectively outlawed for treason to the Lord of Glamorgan, that any of his successors would have wished to honour him in that way, so many years after.

The effigy erected in Carmarthen of course is no longer there, for at the Reformation, the Priory, along with all other religious foundations with an income of less than 200 pounds per annum, was abolished51 . An inventory of the goods of each of the Monastic Houses was prepared, but unfortunately, whilst there is a considerable amount of information regarding the state of the Priory's affairs, there is not mention of a monument. It is of interest however that the other Monastic Establishment in Carmarthen, the Friary, is noted as holding 'a fine effigy of Sir Rhys ap Thomas' 52. This is relevant to our case because the effigy in question was not left for random looting and vandalism in the ruins of the Friary, but was carefully moved from its original location and repositioned in St Peters Church, at the other end of town. In fact many of the artefacts and decorations of the pre Reformation Churches, down to the lead from their roofs and the very stones themselves were sold by the new owners.		Effigy of Rhys ap Thomas now in St Peters Church, Carmarthen
Could the effigy, paid for in 1287 by Edward Longshanks have been moved to Llansannor? For on July 20 1542,much of the land belonging to the Priory, including the Priory itself was leased to a Richard Gwyn53 .		The first representative of the Gwyn Family recorded at Llansannor Court was Richard Gwyn of Lincoln's Inn 1556-8, who is recorded as acquiring a Capital messuage (Manor House) and two dwelling houses at Llansannor54 .
	Llansannor Court Today
	The Gwyns claimed descent from Bauzan, and Richard Gwyn, setting his household up as that of a Tudor gentleman, had a good motive to substantiate his lineage by moving the Statue back to the manor church.
Llansannor Church		Another view of Llansannor Church

After all these centuries, who can say? We think it implausible that a second effigy should have been made of a comparatively obscure figure. But, if the Llansannor Effigy is not the monument originally placed in Carmarthen by order of Edward I, then who does it represent?

Sources

1. Old and Extinct Families of Glamorgan
2. .David Francis : The Border Vale
3. Dictionary of National Biography p393, Richard de Clare (d.1176)
4. Churchyarde 'Worthinesses of Wales' quoted in History of Breconshire.)
5. History of Breconshire
6. Archaeologica Cambrienses 1878 p12
7. Carmarthen Antiquary - Vol. 5 p 2 'Stephen Bauzan' Geo Eyre Evans
8. Transcription of the Charter of Haverfordwest - Pembrokeshire Record Office The original charter has been lost, but the full text was reiterated in the Charter granted by Edward IV to Haverfordwest, 12 March 1465.
9. Archaeologica Cambrienses 1860 p86-91; The Earls, Earldom and Castle of Pembroke VI
10. Calendar of Public records relating to Pembrokeshire p99 Document 1366
11. The Dominicans also had a Priory at Haverfordwest
12. Tewkesbury Annals p124-5 (cit. Glamorgan County History)
13. Archaeologica Cambrensis XXXVI Oct 1878 'The appeal of Richard Siward.' GT. Clark
14. Archaeologica Cambrienses 1860 p86-91; The Earls, Earldom and Castle of Pembroke VI
15. Glamorgan County History
16. Archaeologica Cambrienses 1860 p86-91; The Earls, Earldom and Castle of Pembroke VI
17. Archaeologica Cambrienses 1860 Earls of Pembroke VI. ; After the death of Gilbert, the Earldom of Pembroke was held briefly by each of the youngest brothers, Walter and Anselm. On Anselm's death in 1246 the whole estate was divided between the 5 sisters and their heirs (Calendar of Public records relating to Pembrokeshire p99 Document 1366) (Archaeologica Cambrienses 1860 Earls of Pembroke VII)
18. Sir Stephen Runciman; History of the Crusades p218
19. Mathew of Westminster cit. Dictionary of National Biography ; Richard de Clare (1220-1262)
20. Archaeologica Cambrensis XXXVI Oct 1878 'The appeal of Richard Siward.' GT. Clark
21. Sir Stephen Runciman; History of the Crusades p 219
22. Glamorgan County History
23. Welsh Wars of Edward I; Lloyd
24. Glamorgan County History
25. During the nineteenth century, the surviving records of what followed were transcribed and translated by the Glamorgan genealogist and antiquarian, GT. Clark, and his analysis of the Curia Regis proceedings, published in 1878 have been a major source for what follows. There is however, a problem with the dating of events followed by GT. Clark. Clark states that in July 1245, Siward was prosecuted for breaking a truce which ran from 'the Sunday following the 11th of November to the 6 of January next following, 1246'. The text of this sentence in Latin is 'a die Dominica proxima post festim Sanct Martini durature usque as Epiphanium proximo sequentum ejusdem anni.' This certainly means that the truce would last until the feast of Epiphany next following - but which year? I follow the date given in Glanmor Williams' Article in the Glamorgan County history, based on the Annals of Tewkesbury Abbey, That is that the truce began in 1242, and should therefore have run until 6 January 1244. This is consistent with Stephen Bauzan's appointment as Sheriff in 1243 and continuance in Office until 1247, also with De Clare, and possibly Bauzan's absence in Palestine from Autumn 1240 to Mid 1241. After Siward's taking several Welshmen hostage broke the truce, Hywel ap Meredydd retaliated by seizing a Thomas de Hodnack. The sheriff who remonstrated with Hywel ap Meredydd was Bauzan's predecessor, William Wauton, which therefore dates he incident to December 1242.
26. This is consistent with observation of the Glamorgan County History to the effect that the majority of the sheriffs of Glamorgan serving during the de Clare Earldom were Members of the De Clare household before taking office.
27. Archaeologica Cambrensis XXXVI Oct 1878 'The appeal of Richard Siward.' GT. Clark
28. Cowbridge Glamorgan Gwent Archaeological Trust
29. Archaeologica Cambrensis XXXVI Oct 1878 'The appeal of Richard Siward.' GT. Clark
30. Illustrated Chronicles of Mathew Paris+, Richard Vaughan
31. In addition to the manor of Breigan, Bauzan also held 1 1/2 knights fees in the portion of William Marshal's estate divided between the heirs of Sybil Marshal, who married William De Ferrars, Earl of Essex (Calendar of Public records relating to Pembrokeshire p99 Document 1366, Archaeologica Cambrienses 1860 Earls of Pembroke VII). Also, after the death of his brother John de Bayeaux in 1249 he inherited the De Bayeaux estates, held in Capite (direct form the crown) in Lincolnshire and Somerset (Archaelogia Cambrensis 1878, Appeal etc). Finally, it appears that he left his widow, Agnes, his manor of Wooton, Oxfordshire (Archaelogia Cambrensis 1878, Appeal etc), although we have not been able to ascertain how he came by this property.
32. Elements of Land law ; Kevin Gray p61
33. Laws of Hywel Dda
34. Glamorgan County history Bauzan served as Sheriff of Glamorgan until about 1246.
35. Exchequer Records PRO [E101/349/12 M11 cit. Llewelyn ap Gruffydd, J Beverley Smith)
36. Calendar of Chancery Rolls cit. Llewelyn ap Gruffydd, J Beverley Smith).
37. (Muster Accounts for the Lordships of Abergavenny Grosmont and White Castle1256-57 SWMRS 3 (1954) 21-47 cit. Llewelyn ap Gruffydd J Beverley Smith).
38. Lloyd; Welsh wars of Edward I).
39. Annales Cambriae
40. Brut y Tywysogion cit. Carreg Cennan (CADW).
41. Annales Cambriae says Cardigan ,but this seems to be a mistake; See Discussion by J Beverley Smith in Llewelyn ap Gruffydd for an alternative interpretation.
42. Annales Cambriae.
43. Conquest Coexistence and Change: Wales 1063-1415 RR Davies p255).
44. Description of Wales Book 11 Chapter 8
45. Mathew Paris English Historical documents
46. Welsh Wars of Edward I; Lloyd
47. Carmarthen Antiquary - Vol. 5 p 2 'Stephen Bauzan' Geo Eyre Evans
48. PRO, SC 6/851/1, Cit. Transactions of the Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society & Field Club 1905-39
49. Archaelogia Cambrensis
50. Carmarthen Antiquary - Vol. 5 p 2 'Stephen Bauzan' Geo Eyre Evans
51. Henry VIII Act to Abolish the Lesser Monasteries
52. State papers cit. Francis Green Collection Vol. 12
53. Augmentation papers cit. Francis Green Collection Vol. 12
54. Calendar of Early Chancery Proceedings concerning Wales

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